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Edward Joseph Snowden emerged at the appointed hour, alone, blending into a light crowd of locals and tourists. He cocked his arm for a handshake, then turned his shoulder to indicate a path. Before long he had guided his visitor to a secure space out of public view. See the documents published by The Post. During more than 14 hours of interviews, the first he has conducted in person since arriving here in JuneSnowden did not part the curtains or step outside.
Russia granted him temporary asylum on Aug. Late this spring, Snowden supplied three journalists, including this onewith caches of top-secret documents from the National Security Agency, where he worked as a contractor.
Dozens of revelations followed, and then hundreds, as news organizations around the world picked up the story. Congress pressed for explanations, new evidence revived old lawsuits and the Obama administration was obliged to declassify thousands of s it had fought for years to conceal. Taken together, the revelations have brought to light a global surveillance system that cast off many of its historical restraints after the attacks of Sept.
Secret legal authorities empowered the NSA to sweep in the telephone, Internet and location records of whole populations. He was relaxed and animated over two days of nearly unbroken conversation, fueled by burgers, pasta, ice cream and Russian pastry. But he consistently steered the conversation back to surveillance, democracy and the meaning of the documents he exposed.
As soon as the journalists were able to work, everything that I had been trying to do was validated. I wanted to give society a chance to determine if it should change itself. Right now, all we are looking at are stretch goals. He had come to believe that a dangerous machine of mass surveillance was growing unchecked. Classification rules erected walls to prevent public debate. Toppling those walls would be a spectacular act of transgression against the norms that prevailed inside them.
Someone would have to bypass security, extract the secrets, make undetected contact with journalists and provide them with enough proof to tell the stories. At 29, Snowden upended the agency on its own turf. Because even if your analysis proves to be wrong, the marketplace of ideas will bear that out. By his own terms, Snowden succeeded beyond plausible ambition. The NSA, accustomed to watching without being watched, faces scrutiny it has not endured since the s, or perhaps ever. The cascading effects have made themselves felt in Congress, the courts, popular culture, Silicon Valley and world capitals.
The basic structure of the Internet itself is now in question, as Brazil and members of the European Union consider measures to keep their data away from U. On Dec. District Judge Richard J. The following day, an advisory panel appointed by Obama recommended substantial new restrictions on the NSAincluding an end to the domestic call-records program.
On June 22, the Justice Department unsealed a criminal complaint charging Snowden with espionage and felony theft of government property. In the intelligence and national security establishments, Snowden is widely viewed as a reckless saboteur, and journalists abetting him little less so. At the Aspen Security Forum in July, a four-star military officer known for his even keel seethed through one meeting alongside a reporter he knew to be in contact with Snowden. Before walking away, he turned and pointed a finger. It is commonly said of Snowden that he broke an oath of secrecy, a turn of phrase that captures a sense of betrayal.
Clapper Jr. He ed it, but he pledged his fealty elsewhere. The overseers. The FISA court elected me when they decided to legislate from the bench on things that were far beyond the mandate of what that court was ever intended to do. The system failed comprehensively, and each level of oversight, each level of responsibility that should have addressed this, abdicated their responsibility. So somebody has to be the first.
He began to test that proposition more than a year ago, he said, in periodic conversations with co-workers and superiors that foreshadowed his emerging plan. Many of them were troubled, he said, and several said they did not want to know any more.
He noted that critics have accused him of bypassing internal channels of dissent. How is that not raising it? By last December, Snowden was contacting reporters, although he had not yet passed along any classified information. As a system administrator, he had full access to security and auditing controls. He said he saw serious flaws with information security. That precaution, which requires a second set of credentials to perform risky operations such as copying files onto a removable drive, has been among the principal security responses to the Snowden affair.
Just before releasing the documents this spring, Snowden made a final review of the risks. The documents leaked by Snowden compelled attention because they revealed to Americans a history they did not know they had. With assistance from private communications firmsthe NSA had learned to capture enormous flows of data at the speed of light from fiber-optic cables that carried Internet and telephone traffic over continents and under seas.
Each year, NSA systems collected hundreds of millions of e-mail address bookshundreds of billions of cellphone location records and trillions of domestic call logs. Most of that data, by definition and intent, belonged to ordinary people suspected of nothing. But vast new storage capacity and processing tools enabled the NSA to use the information to map human relationships on a planetary scale. Only this way, its leadership believed, could the NSA reach beyond its universe of known intelligence targets.
With stakes such as those, there was no capability the NSA believed it should leave on the table. The agency followed orders from President George W. Bush to begin domestic collection without authority from Congress and the courts. When the NSA won those authorities later, some of them under secret interpretations of laws passed by Congress between andthe Obama administration went further still. The companies had no choice but to comply with the government's request for data. But the NSA could not use PRISM, which was overseen once a year by the surveillance court, for the collection of virtually all data handled by those companies.
To widen its access, it teamed up with its British counterpart, Government Communications Headquarters, or GCHQ, to break into the private fiber-optic links that connected Google and Yahoo data centers around the world. The NSA, therefore, believed it did not need permission from Congress or judicial oversight. Data from hundreds of millions of U. They believed the NSA had lawful access to their front doors — and had broken down the back doors anyway. Led by Google and then Yahoo, one company after another announced expensive plans to encrypt its data traffic over tens of thousands of miles of cable.
It was a direct — in some cases, explicit — blow to NSA collection of user data in bulk.
If the NSA wanted the information, it would have to request it or circumvent the encryption one target at a time. As these projects are completed, the Internet will become a less friendly place for the NSA to work. The agency can still collect data from virtually anyone, but collecting from everyone will be harder. Snowden has focused on much the same point from the beginning: Individual targeting would cure most of what he believes is wrong with the NSA. Six months ago, a reporter asked him by encrypted e-mail why Americans would want the NSA to give up bulk data collection if that would limit a useful intelligence tool.
The question is, is that something we should be allowing? Technology, of course, has enabled a great deal of consumer surveillance by private companies, as well.
Privacy, as Snowden sees it, is a universal right, applicable to American and foreign surveillance alike. Because, you have to understand, when you have access to the tools the NSA does, probable cause falls out of trees. The year-old Belgian, whose work is often classified, did not consider himself naive. But he took the news personally, and more so when he heard unofficial explanations from Washington. Between allies? The blowback roiled relations with both allies, among others.
Rousseff canceled a state dinner with Obama in September. We never target German citizens. In private, U. Other officials, who declined to speak on the record about particulars, said they had watched some of their surveillance targets, in effect, changing channels.Nan ou video officielle + Lyrics James Smith Alcindor
That evidence can be read another way, they acknowledged, given that the NSA managed to monitor the shift. Clapper has said repeatedly in public that the leaks did great damage, but in private he has taken a more nuanced stance.23 looking for nsa 23
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